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Seized At Gunpoint For Looking At Cops
Disabled men entered onto terrorism database indefinitely after detention and questioning
Steve Watson
Infowars.net
Thursday, Oct 4, 2007
Two disabled men from Bournemouth, England were seized from a pub at gunpoint by police under the terrorism act, taken to the local police station and questioned for 45 minutes after one of them opened his mail and the other looked at a police officer.
The Bournemouth Daily Echo reports that Bob Hamlen, 47, and Michael Burbidge, 31 were dumbfounded when approached by officers in a beer garden overlooking the security checkpoint at the entrance to the Highcliff Marriott Hotel where top British politicians are currently staying for the annual Labour Party conference.
Mr Hamlen told reporters:
"We were treated like terrorist suspects.... It was so over the top, there were about eight officers around us asking questions which was very frightening.
"We told them we lived round the corner and this was our local pub. But, while an armed officer pointed his gun at us from the other side of the street, they made us empty our pockets and put all our possessions on the table. Then they checked all our credit cards and documents.
"I was carrying my disabled bus pass but it didn't make any difference. I needed to go to the toilet and an officer went with me in case I escaped. After radioing through the information, they asked us to accompany them, in separate police cars, to the police station."
Mr Hamlen also made it clear that he has arthritis and brittle bone disease and has been registered disabled for five years, while Mr Burbidge has been paralysed all his life and relies on a wheelchair and crutches to get around.
The two men hardly fit the description of hardcore Al Qaeda terror suspects, but then that does not matter because everyone is now a suspect under the 2000 terrorism act.
Mr Hamlen continued:
"They said the reason I was being taken to the police station was because I had been seen passing a white envelope.
"But all I did was take my post out of my jacket pocket and open an electricity bill.
"On Michael's stop and search form they said they wanted to speak to him, under the Terrorism Act, because he had been looking at a police officer.
"That area of town is saturated with police officers and, from where we were sitting, it would have been impossible not to be watching one."
The men were then taken to the police station and questioned for 45 minutes. After this the police asked the two men to take them to their flat so they could search it. When the search turned up nothing out of the ordinary police decided the two men posed no threat and returned them to the pub.
Mr Hamlen and Mr Burbidge, who have lived in the area for many years, say they feel violated and are demanding an official apology.
Though the two were not arrested or charged they were issued with stop and search records which will be placed on the UK stop and search database and kept there indefinitely, as per standard procedure.
Under section 44 of the terrorism act of 2000, police were granted the power to stop and search anyone without the need to show that they have "reasonable suspicion" an offence is being committed, providing the stop takes place in an area designated as a potential terrorist target.
Currently, however, the whole of London is covered by the powers, meaning the stops can happen anywhere in the city.
Furthermore section 45 states:
45. - (1) The power conferred by an authorisation under section 44(1) or (2)-(a) may be exercised only for the purpose of searching for articles of a kind which could be used in connection with terrorism, and
(b) may be exercised whether or not the constable has grounds for suspecting the presence of articles of that kind.
Under the rules, officers have been told to avoid “racial profiling” and “not to focus on specific groups”. The advice adds: “Be aware that there is no specific racial, ethnic, sexual or religious profile for terrorists.”
Christopher Gill, chairman of the Freedom Association, has previously commented: "These laws are terrifyingly wide ranging, and fail even to demand suspicion in order to stop someone and thus list them for life.
"They are being over-used, and innocent people are having their records marked as a result. The police are supposed to protect the innocent from the guilty, not smear their records arbitrarily."
Incidents of Stop and search have risen dramatically recently in the UK, so much so that senior police officials are now questioning the validity of the law.
Last December the UK's senior counter terrorism police officer questioned the value of stop and search powers, noting that very few arrests or charges arise from searches.
In February, Met Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair vowed to review the use of terror stop and search powers after a Metropolitan Police Authority report said it was causing "untold damage" to certain communities.
Police even refused to accept enhancements to stop and search powers earlier this year, declaring them "unnecessary" and arguing that such measures were counter-productive as they erode public trust. Such enhancements would have given police the power to ask an individual who they are and where they are going. Under the proposed legislation, withholding such information would be an offense punishable with a £5,000 fine.
Even the United Nations has warned that it fears the Counter-terrorism laws are rapidly turning the United Kingdom into a police state.
The case of Bob Hamlen and Michael Burbidge, just one of thousands, clearly demonstrates that terrorism laws are being grossly misused by police in the UK. If there really were such a huge concern over terrorism we would see an effort to protect our freedoms and enhance our open society, rather than the all out attack on civil liberties and the erosion of rights that we continue to face.
YOUR RIGHTS UNDER SECTION 44 (Courtesy Liberty):
• The police can only give you a pat down, remove outer clothes (eg jacket, hat), search your bags and have you empty your pockets
• You do not have to give your name and address
• You do not have to explain why you are there
• You are not allowed to flee the search, but you are not required to be actively compliant. You are allowed to 'go limp' as passive resistance during the search if you wish not to comply
• There is no permission to collect DNA data during the search
• You do not have to comply with any attempt to photograph or record you
• Women cannot be touched by male police during these searches
• Make notes about the officers searching you - name, number and police force
• Note the time and the events preceding the search
• Note the specific wording used by the police to explain their authority to search you
• Ask the police for the reason that they are searching you. Specifically, are they searching for terrorists or are they simply trying to deter, delay or inconvenience you?
Showing posts with label dictatorship. Show all posts
Showing posts with label dictatorship. Show all posts
Thursday, October 4, 2007
Wednesday, September 19, 2007
this is what usa will be like if we dont stop it now
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Hell and heroism: Tyranny that rules by terror is threatened by brave few
In a rare report from Burma, Andrew Buncombe, Asia correspondent, talks to some of the dissenters who live in fear of the ruling junta
Published: 19 September 2007
The junta has a list – a list that has reverberated through this rain-soaked, fear-ridden city. Arranged in order of their "wanted" priority, the list contains 22 names and faces, addresses and personal details, anything that could help the military find these pro-democracy activists and throw them behind bars.
Scores have already been locked up, dragged off to jails from which emerge reports of abuse and torture. But the junta is desperate to find those still at large.
Burma's military government, which has ruled the former British colony with a rare brutality for more than half a century, is facing its most serious challenge for at least a decade.
Every day there are flashes of resistance, flickering protests against the regime's unbending rule. And yesterday, in what may be a critical development, more than 1,000 saffron-robed Buddhist monks marched in defiant protest in two separate cities, only to have tear-gas grenades fired at them by the authorities.
This wave of protests was started by a group of charismatic activists that came of age during widespread demonstrations two decades ago and severely threatened the regime. They seized on an unexplained government decision to increase fuel prices and anger over the soaring prices fed into general despair among the downtrodden population about the regime's cruelty and ruinous governance.
Indeed, it may be the sinister normality of Burma that is the country's most disturbing signature. In the decaying colonial city of Rangoon there is barely a policeman or a soldier in sight, people with money are busy buying air conditioners and stereo systems driven in from China while traders set up their stalls on the street and hawk their wares to passers-by.
"In the past the regime has arrested people and then released them after a few months," said one Western diplomat in Rangoon, Burma's largest city. "I don't think that is the case here. I think the regime is preparing to throw the book at [the activists it has arrested]. I think they are very sophisticated at spotting leaders who people will rally around."
The diplomat added: "I was not here in 1988 but people say that then there were [initially] sporadic demonstrations and that eventually everybody joined in. If the monks join in, that could make a huge difference. They could get people out. That is what happened in '88."
The ability to rally ordinary people, to persuade them to confront the police and militias and to march against the regime is precisely why the authorities are so keen to trace those activists still free. The list of names, which includes seven women, has been circulated to government officials and hotel owners in Rangoon, who have been told to report anything suspicious. Police have even been showing up at foreign embassies with photographs and asking whether activists have taken refuge inside.
"We have been instructed to inform higher authorities immediately if we sight any of these people in our area," one official said.
The Burmese regime, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), has a strong and clear advantage as it confronts its opponents. Two decades after the demonstrations of 1988, which it put down with the death of thousands of civilians, it is wealthier, more secure and more experienced at dealing with protesters. It also knows that the overwhelming majority of its citizens are too terrified to act. And having banned the international media and silenced its own press, it has controlled almost all the information that reaches the eyes and ears of the public.
Yet over the course of four storm-lashed days during which Rangoon's broken streets flooded and people huddled under makeshift shelters, I was able to speak to half-a-dozen pro-democracy campaigners desperate for change. The names of these individuals – members of the National League for Democracy, the political group headed by the imprisoned Nobel laureate Aung Sang Suu Kyi – are not on the junta's list, but they, like so many others, live in constant fear and spoke only on condition of anonymity.
"The big difference is not with us but with the government. We are the same but they have money and experience," said a senior NLD member who acts as the group's spokesman.
The first of the protests that triggered this clampdown by the SPDC was launched last month by members of the '88 Generation Students group, an organisation that was heavily involved in the protests 19 years ago. Among those arrested was a high-profile activist and poet who goes by the nickname Min Ko Naing or "Conqueror of Kings", and who was only released from jail in 2006 after 15 years imprisonment.
There has been no word on Min Ko Naing's fate since he was dragged away on 22 August. NLD sources said about 65 people had been arrested with a dozen or so leaders being held in the country's notorious Insein Jail and the remainder detained at the Kyaik Ka San park, a former race course in Rangoon.
Campaigners based in neighbouring Thailand say the number of people arrested is about 120. Diplomats say they have heard reports the prisoners have been tortured but they have no confirmation.
Given the regime's iron grip on the media, it is difficult for campaigners to organise. A 70-year-old journalist who was released from jail two years ago having served 13 years, said: "There is no free press. We have no chance to speak to one another. We cannot tell other people about our experiences. Even the NLD cannot open its office. There is no freedom. No democracy. No rule of law."
Another journalist, who like the 70-year-old, can now only write using a pen name and then only about topics that the newspapers deem "safe", spent 17 years in jail. He was also released in 2005. "It was very hard to survive [in jail] but we have to struggle for our cause," he said.
After nearly two decades in prison, he emerged to see that, while the cause for which he had given so much had barely progressed, the underlying desire of the people remained as strong as ever. "After 17 years, nothing had changed, just the roads. People had not changed. People still encourage me to try to get democracy."
That determination is revealed by the flurry of scattered protests that have broken out across the country, coinciding with a massive hike in fuel prices by the government that saw the cost of petrol and compressed natural gas increase by 500 per cent.
While I was with the NLD spokesman, his mobile phone constantly rang, often with news of another demonstration. One morning, his phone trilling like a wind chime, he reported there had been a demonstration in the town of Lappottar, 200 miles to the north of Rangoon, when three activists had tried to set off on a march to the former capital.
The following day he reported there had been a demonstration in Taung Goke township, where two people had been arrested. He said a local NLD official claimed 10,000 people had come out in support of the protesters, a number he said he could not personally believe but the local official was adamant was correct.
The Burmese military regime, in control of the country since 1962, has been widely condemned by the international community and some of its neighbours.
When the authorities recently concluded a 15-year effort to draw up a new constitution, the resulting document was condemned by the United States State Department as a "sham".
It said the national conventions that agreed the constitution "clearly do not represent the will of the Burmese people, nor are they a step toward democracy". Even Laura Bush, the first lady, spoke out against the regime.
One Western diplomat, also based in Rangoon, said of the convention: "The regime has no understanding of what democracy means, of the value of dialogue, or of the abhorrent way in which it suppresses the voice of the people. The way it has ignored the demands of the ethnic groups in the National Convention and the unnecessary detention of people peacefully making their point indicates the regime's true intention: to keep tight control and to ensure power and wealth remains in the hands of the few."
But despite complete sanctions enacted by the US and partial sanctions imposed by the EU and Britain, the regime is still courted by regional powers such as India and China which are desperate to secure deals for Burma's vast natural gas resources – much of which is located in the offshore Shwe gasfields. Anything other than the most muted criticism of the regime's human rights record has been shoved aside as the two countries battle over their shared neighbour's resources. Both have signed arms deals with the regime.
Matthew Smith, a campaigner with the group EarthRights International, said: "The regime's brutality and readiness for violence in part secures its daily survival, but the gas deals are integral on a longer-term economic level, providing billions of dollars to private and state bank accounts that would otherwise be relatively empty.
"From this we can infer at least two things: one, the regime will stop at nothing to secure the export of its most lucrative asset, natural gas, and two, foreign oil and gas corporations are in a unique position of power because they provide the capital and expertise the regime presently lacks."
Campaigners insist progress can be made with Burma. They say the international community is finally starting to pay more attention to those making a stand in the country.
On the ground in Burma it is hard to find hope. People are not only terrified but they see little prospect for their country. One afternoon a tour guide nervously led the way to a tea shop, away from watchful eyes. Sitting on a low plastic seat he casually revealed that he, too, had been a political prisoner in the early 1990s and that he had spent two years in jail. For the first six months, his family had no idea where he was.
The 42-year-old said he had four children. "I tell my children that they must study hard. I tell them to do well at English," he said, leaning his body forward and speaking almost in a whisper. "I want them to move abroad – there is no future for them in Burma."
And yet for all the despair, there are perhaps flashes of hope. Despite the regime's efforts to ban a free media and limit what information the public receives, in the past couple of years Rangoon has seen the opening of numerous internet cafes where those who can afford to, log on and sit for hours. These cafes are usually packed with young people, bashing away at their keyboards. Perhaps they are sharing information with others that the regime does not want the world to know.
Hell and heroism: Tyranny that rules by terror is threatened by brave few
In a rare report from Burma, Andrew Buncombe, Asia correspondent, talks to some of the dissenters who live in fear of the ruling junta
Published: 19 September 2007
The junta has a list – a list that has reverberated through this rain-soaked, fear-ridden city. Arranged in order of their "wanted" priority, the list contains 22 names and faces, addresses and personal details, anything that could help the military find these pro-democracy activists and throw them behind bars.
Scores have already been locked up, dragged off to jails from which emerge reports of abuse and torture. But the junta is desperate to find those still at large.
Burma's military government, which has ruled the former British colony with a rare brutality for more than half a century, is facing its most serious challenge for at least a decade.
Every day there are flashes of resistance, flickering protests against the regime's unbending rule. And yesterday, in what may be a critical development, more than 1,000 saffron-robed Buddhist monks marched in defiant protest in two separate cities, only to have tear-gas grenades fired at them by the authorities.
This wave of protests was started by a group of charismatic activists that came of age during widespread demonstrations two decades ago and severely threatened the regime. They seized on an unexplained government decision to increase fuel prices and anger over the soaring prices fed into general despair among the downtrodden population about the regime's cruelty and ruinous governance.
Indeed, it may be the sinister normality of Burma that is the country's most disturbing signature. In the decaying colonial city of Rangoon there is barely a policeman or a soldier in sight, people with money are busy buying air conditioners and stereo systems driven in from China while traders set up their stalls on the street and hawk their wares to passers-by.
"In the past the regime has arrested people and then released them after a few months," said one Western diplomat in Rangoon, Burma's largest city. "I don't think that is the case here. I think the regime is preparing to throw the book at [the activists it has arrested]. I think they are very sophisticated at spotting leaders who people will rally around."
The diplomat added: "I was not here in 1988 but people say that then there were [initially] sporadic demonstrations and that eventually everybody joined in. If the monks join in, that could make a huge difference. They could get people out. That is what happened in '88."
The ability to rally ordinary people, to persuade them to confront the police and militias and to march against the regime is precisely why the authorities are so keen to trace those activists still free. The list of names, which includes seven women, has been circulated to government officials and hotel owners in Rangoon, who have been told to report anything suspicious. Police have even been showing up at foreign embassies with photographs and asking whether activists have taken refuge inside.
"We have been instructed to inform higher authorities immediately if we sight any of these people in our area," one official said.
The Burmese regime, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), has a strong and clear advantage as it confronts its opponents. Two decades after the demonstrations of 1988, which it put down with the death of thousands of civilians, it is wealthier, more secure and more experienced at dealing with protesters. It also knows that the overwhelming majority of its citizens are too terrified to act. And having banned the international media and silenced its own press, it has controlled almost all the information that reaches the eyes and ears of the public.
Yet over the course of four storm-lashed days during which Rangoon's broken streets flooded and people huddled under makeshift shelters, I was able to speak to half-a-dozen pro-democracy campaigners desperate for change. The names of these individuals – members of the National League for Democracy, the political group headed by the imprisoned Nobel laureate Aung Sang Suu Kyi – are not on the junta's list, but they, like so many others, live in constant fear and spoke only on condition of anonymity.
"The big difference is not with us but with the government. We are the same but they have money and experience," said a senior NLD member who acts as the group's spokesman.
The first of the protests that triggered this clampdown by the SPDC was launched last month by members of the '88 Generation Students group, an organisation that was heavily involved in the protests 19 years ago. Among those arrested was a high-profile activist and poet who goes by the nickname Min Ko Naing or "Conqueror of Kings", and who was only released from jail in 2006 after 15 years imprisonment.
There has been no word on Min Ko Naing's fate since he was dragged away on 22 August. NLD sources said about 65 people had been arrested with a dozen or so leaders being held in the country's notorious Insein Jail and the remainder detained at the Kyaik Ka San park, a former race course in Rangoon.
Campaigners based in neighbouring Thailand say the number of people arrested is about 120. Diplomats say they have heard reports the prisoners have been tortured but they have no confirmation.
Given the regime's iron grip on the media, it is difficult for campaigners to organise. A 70-year-old journalist who was released from jail two years ago having served 13 years, said: "There is no free press. We have no chance to speak to one another. We cannot tell other people about our experiences. Even the NLD cannot open its office. There is no freedom. No democracy. No rule of law."
Another journalist, who like the 70-year-old, can now only write using a pen name and then only about topics that the newspapers deem "safe", spent 17 years in jail. He was also released in 2005. "It was very hard to survive [in jail] but we have to struggle for our cause," he said.
After nearly two decades in prison, he emerged to see that, while the cause for which he had given so much had barely progressed, the underlying desire of the people remained as strong as ever. "After 17 years, nothing had changed, just the roads. People had not changed. People still encourage me to try to get democracy."
That determination is revealed by the flurry of scattered protests that have broken out across the country, coinciding with a massive hike in fuel prices by the government that saw the cost of petrol and compressed natural gas increase by 500 per cent.
While I was with the NLD spokesman, his mobile phone constantly rang, often with news of another demonstration. One morning, his phone trilling like a wind chime, he reported there had been a demonstration in the town of Lappottar, 200 miles to the north of Rangoon, when three activists had tried to set off on a march to the former capital.
The following day he reported there had been a demonstration in Taung Goke township, where two people had been arrested. He said a local NLD official claimed 10,000 people had come out in support of the protesters, a number he said he could not personally believe but the local official was adamant was correct.
The Burmese military regime, in control of the country since 1962, has been widely condemned by the international community and some of its neighbours.
When the authorities recently concluded a 15-year effort to draw up a new constitution, the resulting document was condemned by the United States State Department as a "sham".
It said the national conventions that agreed the constitution "clearly do not represent the will of the Burmese people, nor are they a step toward democracy". Even Laura Bush, the first lady, spoke out against the regime.
One Western diplomat, also based in Rangoon, said of the convention: "The regime has no understanding of what democracy means, of the value of dialogue, or of the abhorrent way in which it suppresses the voice of the people. The way it has ignored the demands of the ethnic groups in the National Convention and the unnecessary detention of people peacefully making their point indicates the regime's true intention: to keep tight control and to ensure power and wealth remains in the hands of the few."
But despite complete sanctions enacted by the US and partial sanctions imposed by the EU and Britain, the regime is still courted by regional powers such as India and China which are desperate to secure deals for Burma's vast natural gas resources – much of which is located in the offshore Shwe gasfields. Anything other than the most muted criticism of the regime's human rights record has been shoved aside as the two countries battle over their shared neighbour's resources. Both have signed arms deals with the regime.
Matthew Smith, a campaigner with the group EarthRights International, said: "The regime's brutality and readiness for violence in part secures its daily survival, but the gas deals are integral on a longer-term economic level, providing billions of dollars to private and state bank accounts that would otherwise be relatively empty.
"From this we can infer at least two things: one, the regime will stop at nothing to secure the export of its most lucrative asset, natural gas, and two, foreign oil and gas corporations are in a unique position of power because they provide the capital and expertise the regime presently lacks."
Campaigners insist progress can be made with Burma. They say the international community is finally starting to pay more attention to those making a stand in the country.
On the ground in Burma it is hard to find hope. People are not only terrified but they see little prospect for their country. One afternoon a tour guide nervously led the way to a tea shop, away from watchful eyes. Sitting on a low plastic seat he casually revealed that he, too, had been a political prisoner in the early 1990s and that he had spent two years in jail. For the first six months, his family had no idea where he was.
The 42-year-old said he had four children. "I tell my children that they must study hard. I tell them to do well at English," he said, leaning his body forward and speaking almost in a whisper. "I want them to move abroad – there is no future for them in Burma."
And yet for all the despair, there are perhaps flashes of hope. Despite the regime's efforts to ban a free media and limit what information the public receives, in the past couple of years Rangoon has seen the opening of numerous internet cafes where those who can afford to, log on and sit for hours. These cafes are usually packed with young people, bashing away at their keyboards. Perhaps they are sharing information with others that the regime does not want the world to know.
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